MORE THAN MOST campaigns, the Democratic gubernatorial primary
between Bob Casey and Ed Rendell had both candidates claiming the
other was lying. Whether the fight was over whether Rendell's
proposals would dramatically increase income taxes, the problems
with Philadelphia's schools or guns, neither side pulled its
punches. However, at least among Democrats, Casey failed to make his
case.
Guns were a particularly rancorous issue. Casey charged that "my
opponent in the primary is for gun control, is today and has always
been for gun control." The Democratic leader of the of the state
House of Representatives, Bill DeWeese, had a radio ad for Casey
saying "gun rights will be safer if Casey is elected." The NRA
entered the fray with an ad claiming: "Ed Rendell is a big-city
politician who believes your guns, not criminals, are the
problem."
Rendell responded that "The NRA ads are like the Casey ads. They
don't tell the truth. There is nothing that I want to do to take a
gun away from a hunter or a law-abiding citizen." Gun-control
organizations campaigning for Rendell said that he only wanted
"sensible" gun laws.
Yet, because I have talked with Rendell during less guarded
moments, when he was not focused on winning votes for governor, I
know that Casey and DeWeese were telling the truth about Rendell's
views on guns.
During 1999, when I was at the University of Chicago law school,
lawyers for the city of Philadelphia asked me to participate in a
panel on cities suing gun-makers. Rendell had been the first mayor
to seriously talk about doing that, and he wanted a session to
educate city lawyers about the issue.
Three-quarters of the panelists (including Rendell) supported
Rendell's desire to sue the gun-makers. During the presentations,
Rendell said again that he didn't want to take guns away from
hunters or law-abiding citizens and that he wanted to use the suits
to make gun-makers responsible for the costs that guns impose on
cities.
At the debate, there were several representatives from the
Violence Policy Center, a group that has long advocated banning guns
and even sponsors the Web site banhandgunsnow.org. Rendell warmly
greeted the Violence Policy Center people when he arrived and
included one of their representatives on the panel, but they
noticeably groaned and rolled their eyes when Rendell said that he
didn't want to take away people's guns.
After the debate, Rendell immediately headed over to the Violence
Policy Center people. I wanted to follow up on the discussion, so I
tried to catch up with him as he crossed the room. The Violence
Policy people were still visibly disturbed by his comments and,
Rendell put his arm around one of them, saying, "I just can't say
publicly what we want to do, we have to take these things slowly." I
was standing right behind Rendell when he said it.
When Rendell saw me, he angrily turned toward me, asking what I
wanted. I said that I had hoped we could talk more about the issues
raised by the panel. I said that I understood the costs to cities of
the bad things that happen with guns, but I wanted to know why he
didn't consider the benefits of defensive gun use and of victims
defending themselves. Still quite angry, Rendell said that, as a
city prosecutor, he had never seen a defensive gun use, and that as
far as he was concerned, he had never heard of a defensive gun use.
He said that he didn't believe they occurred.
I started to offer to provide him examples, but he said that he
didn't need any evidence and walked away.
Rendell's actions have already had a big impact on gun ownership.
He was the first mayor to foresee how simultaneously filing suits by
dozens of cities against gun companies could impose a massive cost
of legal defense and bring the industry to its knees. By making it
financially impossible for many companies to defend themselves, even
lawsuits that have consistently been thrown out by judges across the
country have driven many gun-makers into bankruptcy.
During the current gubernatorial campaign, Rendell claims that he
wants to limit gun purchases to no more than one gun a month.
Unfortunately, there is not one academic study that shows that this
reduces crime in either the states that pass these laws or their
neighbors.
Rendell obviously feels passionately about guns, but he doesn't
have the courage of his convictions. Instead, to cover his goals, he
lied.
John Lott is a resident scholar at the
American Enterprise Institute and lives in Swarthmore.